Saturday, May 30, 2026

Unethical interpreting behavior

A recent Guardian article (“Chinese dissident says he was berated by ‘pro-regime’ interpreter for UK police”, by Daniel Boffey and Lyndon Li, 30 May 2026) describes a case that should make anyone working with interpreters uneasy.

Hong Qi, a Chinese dissident recently granted asylum in the UK, contacted police through the 101 non-emergency line after his bank accounts were frozen, leaving his family at risk of homelessness. According to Qi, the interpreter assigned to the call did not just interpret, but allegedly argued with him, questioned his political stance, and—most concerning—refused to pass on parts of his message.

If this account is accurate, it is not a gray area or simply a difficult interaction. It is a blatant breach of interpreting ethics.

Interpreters are not participants in the conversation. They are not there to challenge, filter, or improve what a speaker says. Their job is to render everything faithfully, including tone, intent, and emotional content. 

The reported line—“I will not translate your emotions”—is particularly telling. In a call about potential homelessness, emotion is part of the message, and removing it distorts reality.

What makes this more troubling is the context the Guardian points to: outsourced services, limited in-house language capacity, and credible concerns about political pressure within parts of the Chinese interpreting pool: this is not just about one interpreter having a bad day.

Translation and interpreting are often treated as a background service. Cases like this are a reminder that they are anything but. When the interpreter (or the translator) fails, communication collapses, with very real consequences.

Thursday, May 28, 2026

AI dictation for translators: convenience vs. confidentiality

I recently listened to an excellent presentation by Joachim Lépine, during which he mentioned several tools that may be useful for translators. One of them was Blip, an AI-powered dictation tool. I tried it, and it is very good. It handled my Italian-accented English without any difficulty at all, which is not always a given with this kind of software. Most of the time, my Apple TV comes up with rather strange titles when I try to dictate the name of a film or TV show.

But good output is not all that matters.

For translators, and especially for legal translators, the question is not only whether a dictation tool works well, but what happens to the content when you use it. If you dictate the translation of a contract, a certificate, or an HR policy, you are not just saving time and keystrokes. You are processing information that may be confidential, privileged, or otherwise sensitive. Once one looks at it from that angle, the difference between cloud-based and local tools stops being a technical detail and becomes the main issue.

This is why I ended up looking more closely at three dictation tools: Blip, Amical, and Lily Speech.

Blip

Blip is polished. That is the first thing one notices.

It is designed to let you press a hotkey, speak, and get usable text with formatting and cleanup already taken care of. It supports 99+ languages, and the whole point seems to be that you can dictate into practically any app without much friction.

That part works. In my brief test, Blip handled accented English very well. No nonsense, no repeated corrections, no need to slow down and pronounce everything in a staccato way, as with older dictation tools, or slowly as if one were speaking to a rather dim trainee.

That is the good news.

The less good news, at least for some kinds of work, is that Blip is cloud-based: the speech is processed outside your machine. For many tasks, that may be perfectly acceptable. If you are drafting an email, writing notes, or dictating blog ideas, there is probably little to worry about. It is a different matter if you are translating legal documents.

A cloud service may still be secure. But the material still leaves your local environment. For some translators, that will be enough to rule it out, at least for certain assignments.

Pros

  • Very easy to use.
  • Good formatting and cleanup features.
  • Broad language support.
  • In my experience, very good with accented English.

Cons

  • Cloud-based processing.
  • Not ideal for confidential or regulated material.
  • One more external layer in the handling of client data.

Amical

Amical is interesting for a more practical reason: it offers cloud processing, just like Blip, but it can run AI models locally as well. That makes it, at least in my view, a more serious option for translators dealing with confidential material.

This is the sort of distinction that product pages often mention as one feature among many, somewhere between “supports many languages” and “has useful shortcuts”. For our kind of work, however, it is not one feature among many. It is the feature. If I am dictating a draft translation of a contract, internal company policy, or some other document that really should not go wandering about beyond my machine, the local option becomes essential.

I tried Amical as well, and the general recognition quality was just as good as Blip’s. The difference is that with Amical, you can keep the processing on your own machine. That matters a great deal.

Pros

  • Offers cloud processing and local models.
  • Local dictation is available on the free plan, while cloud features are paid.
  • Better suited to confidential work.
  • Good recognition quality.
  • Presented as supporting local privacy and control.

Cons

  • Local use may require a bit more setup.
  • Performance depends more on your own hardware.
  • Slightly less “just press and go” than a cloud-only approach.

Lily Speech

Lily Speech is a simpler, older-fashioned sort of tool.

It is a Windows speech-to-text application with support for 51 languages. There is a free version, and that alone will make it worth a look for some users.

It belongs to an older generation of tools and is simpler than Blip or Amical. Sometimes that is perfectly fine. Not every tool has to be clever, ambitious, and determined to “revolutionise” one’s workflow before breakfast.

That said, for professional translators with heavier workflows, it will probably feel more limited. It is Windows-only, and its output does not seem to be on the same level as the newer tools. That is not a scientific comparison, merely the fairly obvious impression one gets from using them.

Pros

  • Simple.
  • Free version available.
  • Probably sufficient for basic dictation on Windows.

Cons

  • Windows-only.
  • More limited than newer tools.
  • Might have more problems with accented speech.
  • Less obviously suited to demanding professional workflows.

A few use cases

Suppose you are translating a share purchase agreement and dictating portions of your draft. Company names, payment terms, dates, clauses on warranties, indemnities, dispute resolution: all the material that should stay confidential. In that situation, a cloud-based dictation tool is not merely a nice productivity aid. It becomes part of the chain through which confidential information is processed.

Or take HR documentation. Internal disciplinary letters. Medical leave documents. Performance reviews. Perhaps civil-status documents as well: birth certificates, divorce decrees, adoption judgments. Here again, the issue is not whether the dictation tool is good, but whether this is content that should be sent off-machine at all.

This is why the difference between Blip and Amical matters more than one might think at first glance. Blip is convenient and well designed. Amical is more interesting where confidentiality is a genuine concern, because it gives you the possibility of local processing.

Final remark

If you often work with confidential legal or HR material, I would be much more inclined to look at Amical, simply because it gives you a local option.

Lily Speech is worth mentioning, especially for Windows users who want something free and simpler. But for most professional translators, the real comparison is between the other two.

Convenience is useful. Keeping client data on your own machine is the more important distinction.

Thursday, May 21, 2026

Italian jus sanguinis after the crackdown: why the courts still matter

Italian citizenship by descent has taken a serious hit over the past year, as I mentioned in several recent blog posts, but a new ruling from Italy’s Supreme Court suggests it may be too early to write off jus sanguinis entirely.

In 2025, the so-called Tajani Decree, later converted into Law 74/2025, tightened the rules on citizenship by descent, and the Constitutional Court later confirmed that more restrictive approach. For many observers, that looked like the end of the old understanding of jus sanguinis as an open-ended right passed down indefinitely through Italian ancestry.

A new decision from the Corte di Cassazione, however, points in a different direction. In judgment no. 13818/2026, the Court reaffirmed that citizenship by descent exists from birth and is “permanent and imprescriptible.” Just as important, it held that when consulates make it effectively impossible to file an application — through endless queues, blocked booking systems, or suspended appointments — that obstacle can justify going directly to court.

In practical terms, this does not undo the recent legal restrictions. It does, however, strengthen the judicial route for people who were shut out by administrative dysfunction rather than by any lack of entitlement. In other words, the door may have narrowed, but the window is still open.

For background, see Rui Badaró’s comments in Italianismo, and also Desiderio Peron’s reporting in Insieme.

Monday, May 11, 2026

Study or work first, citizenship later: Italia Viva Sudamerica’s plan for Italian descendants

In her article “Italia Viva Sudamerica: studio o lavoro in Italia prima della cittadinanza” for Il Globo, journalist Francesca Capelli reports on a proposal from Italia Viva Sudamerica that aims to keep citizenship by descent (ius sanguinis) without generational limits, but introduce a mandatory one‑year stay in Italy before citizenship is granted. The idea is to reduce the workload of Italian consulates in South America while encouraging young people of Italian origin to move to a country facing a serious demographic crisis.

Nicolás Fuster, the party’s South America coordinator, argues that the old system was unsustainable: many people with almost no remaining connection to Italy were obtaining citizenship, at a cost to Italian taxpayers. At the same time, Italy is aging rapidly and needs new, working‑age residents. His proposal would allow anyone of Italian descent to apply, but with a clear condition: after preparing their file (for example in Argentina, Uruguay, or Brazil) and receiving a preliminary green light from the consulate, applicants would spend one year in Italy for study or work, complete the process there, and pass a final interview in Italian.

According to Fuster, this would be a “win‑win”: consulates would be less overloaded, Italy would receive younger taxpayers from countries with a similar culture, and many of these new citizens would likely choose to stay after integrating socially and learning the language. He also stresses that supporting ius sanguinis does not exclude supporting ius soli for people born in Italy to foreign parents. However, Capelli notes that the proposal has a built‑in class filter: only those who can afford a plane ticket and a year in Italy could realistically benefit, which excludes many families in today’s Argentina.

Friday, May 01, 2026

When rules change mid‑process: Italy’s High Court and citizenship by descent ("ius sanguinis")

Italy’s Supreme Court is about to decide whether the recent, stricter citizenship‑by‑descent law (“ius sanguinis”) can be applied retroactively to people who were already in the process of applying when the rules changed. The outcome will be crucial for thousands of descendants of Italian emigrants in the US, Brazil, Argentina, and elsewhere, whose paths to Italian citizenship have been suddenly blocked or thrown into uncertainty by the so‑called “Meloni law.”

In its article “Cittadinanza ius sanguinis: la Corte Suprema può ribaltare la legge”, AmeVe illustrates this through the case of Sabrina Crawford, from the San Francisco Bay Area, who spent years reconstructing her family history in Calabria to prove that her great‑grandfather never gave up Italian citizenship. Her plans, like those of many others, have been disrupted by new limits that restrict recognition to people whose parents or grandparents never renounced Italian citizenship, raising the question whether long‑standing expectations and rights can simply be switched off by decree.

The AmeVe article also points to a paradox: while Italy braces for a severe demographic decline, it is tightening access both for children of immigrants born in the country and for descendants of Italians abroad who want to reconnect with it. In other words, at the very moment when Italy needs people, it is making it harder for those already tied to the country—by birth, by blood, or by history—to be formally recognized as Italian. The Court’s ruling will say a lot about how Italy chooses to balance legal certainty, administrative control, and its relationship with the diaspora.

Friday, April 17, 2026

Italian citizenship by descent: key questions before the Italian Supreme Court

A recent article on Studio Cataldi’s site explains that on 14 April 2026 the Supreme Court debated two central issues on Italian citizenship by descent (ius sanguinis). First, it must resolve a long‑running conflict on whether a child who is already a dual citizen from birth loses Italian citizenship automatically when an Italian parent later naturalises in another country while the child is still a minor. Some court decisions say yes, others say that citizenship acquired from birth should not be lost in this way, and the Court is now expected to give a single, authoritative answer.

The Court will also address how the 2025 reform applies over time. The new rules restrict recognition of ius sanguinis for people born abroad who already hold another citizenship, unless specific conditions are met. It remains unclear whether these provisions can affect situations that arose before the reform, potentially impacting rights considered “acquired” under the previous framework.

According to the article, the Supreme Court’s ruling will be a crucial step in clarifying both the historical rules on loss and transmission of citizenship and the temporal reach of the 2025 reform, providing much‑needed guidance to courts and public administrations.


If you’re affected by these changes and are gathering documents for an Italian citizenship case, feel free to get in touch about translation support. I specialize in the translation from English into Italian of official and administrative documents and can help ensure your paperwork is translated correctly and on time.

Thursday, April 16, 2026

Italian citizenship reform: clearing up some legal misunderstandings

A recent online article on lentepubblica.it by Italian attorney Flavia Di Pilla (Natitaliani) responds sharply to Andrea Molle’s 8 April piece in Italia Oggi (“Chi è italiano? Il legame reale pesa più della discendenza”, by Andrea Molle, Italia Oggi, April 8, 2026, see a summary in this post) about the reform of Italian citizenship. Di Pilla argues that Molle’s apparently “balanced” reading contains serious legal inaccuracies and turns a blind eye to the political interests behind the reform.

First, she notes that the Constitutional Court has not “sanctioned” a change of course on citizenship: so far there is only a press release about the 11 March hearing, not a published and reasoned judgment, so it is wrong to present the Court as having already endorsed the reform. She stresses that important constitutional challenges to article 3‑bis of Law 91/1992 (introduced by Decree‑Law 36/2025) are still pending, and that only the final written decision will clarify the Court’s position.

Second, Di Pilla reminds readers that ius sanguinis was not a casual “automatic” habit but a long‑standing, codified rule, rooted in the Civil Code of 1865 and laws from 1912 and 1992, on which institutions and individuals have relied for decades. In her view, changing such a framework through an emergency decree is constitutionally and politically problematic: the Italian Constitution allows decree‑laws only in cases of real necessity and urgency, and no convincing urgency has been shown to justify limiting rights that have existed for more than a century.

Di Pilla also highlights a geopolitical dimension Molle does not mention, alleging that pressure from the United States — concerned about South American citizens using Italian ius sanguinis to obtain an EU passport and then enter the US legally — played a role in pushing Italy towards a restrictive reform. Calling this a “correction of course in Italy’s interest”, she suggests, ignores whose interests were really being served.

Finally, Di Pilla objects to the language of “presumed descendants”: many people affected by the new rules are descendants whose link to an Italian ancestor has already been formally recognised through judgments, administrative decrees, and AIRE registrations. The real question “what does it mean to be Italian today?” is legitimate, she concludes, but it should be answered through open, democratic parliamentary debate, not via urgent decrees and press releases.


I don’t offer legal advice or citizenship consultancy, but I do work regularly on English–Italian translations for ius sanguinis citizenship applications. If you need certified translations of official papers, court decisions or other documents for an Italian citizenship application, I will be happy to help.

Wednesday, April 15, 2026

Italy’s citizenship debate and the risk of losing the bigger picture

A recent online article by Gianni Pezzano on Daily Cases Magazine argues that the current debate on Italy’s citizenship law has become an unwelcome distraction from the real goal: strengthening the relationship between Italy and its diaspora. He recalls past scandals with fake Italian passports and notes that some agencies and applicants still treat the passport mainly as a tool for mobility or healthcare, rather than as proof of a genuine civic link.

Pezzano stresses that many descendants abroad feel rejected by the recent legal changes, often fuelled by misleading posts and commercial interests, while in Italy the same debate is tied to difficult questions about ius sanguinis, ius soli and how to integrate immigrant children born in the country. According to the article, there is no easy answer, but the author calls for more honest information, clearer communication from Italian institutions, and more responsible moderation on social media pages so that citizenship law stops being a source of anger and misunderstanding and becomes part of a broader effort to keep Italians around the world connected to Italy.


These developments also underline how important precise wording has become in citizenship matters. If you need reliable English–Italian translations for vital records, legal documents, or judgments related to ius sanguinis or other citizenship cases, I’d be happy to assist.

Friday, April 10, 2026

Italian citizenship by descent: blood, ties, and a change of course

A recent commentary by Andrea Molle in Italia Oggi asks a simple but uncomfortable question: who is really Italian today? For more than a century, Italy had one of the most “generous” citizenship regimes in the world, based on ius sanguinis. In practice, this meant that millions of people, sometimes many generations and continents away, could claim Italian citizenship mainly through ancestry, with little or no real connection to Italy.

Molle argues that the latest reforms do not amount to a revolution, but to a clear change of course. Citizenship is no longer treated as an automatic inheritance; it is increasingly framed as a relationship that requires continuity, presence, and at least some degree of participation in the life of the country. The aim is to move away from producing “on paper” citizens who lack any concrete link with Italy, a system that had historical reasons but has become difficult to justify administratively and symbolically.

This shift, recently endorsed by the Constitutional Court, brings new tensions. On one side, there is the risk of weakening the historical bond with Italian communities abroad, which have long played an important cultural and economic role and have reacted harshly to these changes. On the other, Italy is trying to be coherent with what it asks of immigrants within its borders: citizenship as a real, not merely formal, belonging. In the background, Molle notes, lies the broader question that politics has largely avoided: is a genealogical link enough to be “Italian”, or do we now expect something more?

Thursday, April 09, 2026

Italian citizenship by descent: the key questions before the Supreme Court

A recent article by Alberto Lama on NT+ Diritto – Il Sole 24 Ore highlights why the hearing before the Sezioni Unite of the Italian Supreme Court on 14 April 2026 will be crucial for Italian citizenship by descent (ius sanguinis). In short, the Court is being asked to clarify in which cases Italian citizenship was lost in the past, and how far the 2025 reform can reach back in time.

Lama notes that the first issue concerns children born abroad as dual citizens from birth (Italian by descent and citizens of their country of birth) whose Italian parent later became a foreign citizen while they were still minors. Some decisions say these children automatically lost Italian citizenship with the parent; others say that, as duals from birth, they should keep it unless they renounce it as adults.

The second issue is the 2025 reform, which sharply restricts ius sanguinis recognition for people born abroad who already hold another citizenship, unless specific conditions are met (often, having filed a request before 28 March 2025). The key question is whether these new rules can apply to people born long before 2025, treating them as if they had never acquired Italian citizenship.

The Constitutional Court has rejected some constitutional objections to the reform (including criticism of the cut‑off date), but has not resolved all interpretation issues. It is now up to the Sezioni Unite to determine how far the 2025 rules extend in time and how they fit with the older citizenship framework.